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Table of Contents of Herbert Marcuse's One-Dimensional Man (). One-Dimensional Man. One-Dimensional Society longer be adequately defined in the traditional terms of economic, political, and intellectual liberties, not. One-Dimensional Man is probably Marcuse's greatest work, and the one in which he Herbert Marcuse's One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of.


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"In One-Dimensional Man Herbert Marcuse has moved on to what is the central problem of our civilization- how to reconcile orginality and spontaneity and all. One-Dimensional Man. Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society By Herbert Marcuse. Department of Sociology, Jagannath University, Dhaka. In his widely read classic One-Dimensional Man (ODM), Herbert Marcuse offers a political anthropology of twentieth-century liberal democracy which is deeply pessimistic and yet has been read in the s and s as a call to transformative action in the fields of politics and.

To sum up: Marcuse shows himself to be one of the most radical and forceful thinkers of this time. They are redefined by the rationality of the given system and of its quantitative extension. Retrieved from " https: The common feature is a total empiricism in the treatment of concepts; their meaning is restricted to the representation of particular operations and behaviour.

This totalitarian logic of accomplished facts has its Eastern counterpart. There, freedom is the way of life instituted by a communist regime, and all other transcending modes of freedom are either capitalistic, or revisionist, or leftist sectarianism. In both camps, non-operational ideas are non- behavioral and subversive. The movement of thought is stopped at barriers which appear as the limits of Reason itself.

Such limitation of thought is certainly not new. Ascending modern rationalism, in its speculative as well as empirical form, shows a striking contrast between extreme critical radicalism in scientific and philosophic method on the one hand, and an uncritical quietism in the attitude toward established and functioning social institutions.

Societal conditions existed which provoked and permitted real dissociation from the established state of affairs; a private as well as political dimension was present in which dissociation could develop into effective opposition, testing its strength and the validity of its objectives. With the gradual closing of this dimension by the society, the self-limitation of thought assumes a larger significance. The society bars a whole type of oppositional operations and behavior; consequently, the concepts pertaining to them are rendered illusory or meaningless.

Historical transcendence appears as metaphysical transcendence, not acceptable to science and scientific thought. The insistence on operational and behavioral concepts turns against the efforts to free thought and behavior from the given reality and for the suppressed alternatives. Theoretical and practical Reason, academic and social behaviorism meet on common ground: Advanced industrial society is approaching the stage where continued progress would demand the radical subversion of the prevailing direction and organization of progress.

This stage would be reached when material production including the necessary services becomes automated to the extent that all vital needs can be satisfied while necessary labor time is reduced to marginal time. Today's fight against this historical alternative finds a firm mass basis in the underlying population, and finds its ideology in the rigid orientation of thought and behavior to the given universe of facts.

Validated by the accomplishments of science and technology, justified by its growing productivity, the status quo defies all transcendence. Faced with the possibility of pacification on the grounds of its technical and intellectual achievements, the mature industrial society closes itself against this alternative. Operationalism, in theory and practice, becomes the theory and practice of containment.

Underneath its obvious dynamics, this society is a thoroughly static system of life: Containment of technical progress goes hand in hand with its growth in the established direction. In spite of the political fetters imposed by the status quo, the more technology appears capable of creating the conditions for pacification, the more are the minds and bodies of man organized against this alternative.

The most advanced areas of industrial society exhibit throughout these two features: Here is the internal contradiction of this civilization: It is the token of its achievements.

The industrial society which makes technology and science its own is organized for the ever-more-effective domination of man and nature, for the ever-more-effective utilization of its resources. It becomes irrational when the success of these efforts opens new dimensions of human realization. Organization for peace is different from organization for war; the institutions which served the struggle for existence cannot serve the pacification of existence. Life as an end is qualitatively different from life as a means.

Such a qualitatively new mode of existence can never be envisaged as the mere by-product of economic and political changes, as the more or less spontaneous effect of the new institutions which constitute the necessary prerequisite. The techniques of industrialization are political techniques; as such, they prejudge the possibilities of Reason and Freedom.

To be sure, labor must precede the reduction of labor, and industrialization must precede the development of human needs and satisfactions. But as all freedom depends on the conquest of alien necessity, the realization of freedom depends on the techniques of this conquest. The highest productivity of labor can be used for the perpetuation of labor, and the most efficient industrialization can serve the restriction and manipulation of needs.

When this point is reached, domination - in the guise of affluence and liberty - extends to all spheres of private and public existence, integrates all authentic opposition, absorbs all alternatives. Technological rationality reveals its political character as it-becomes the great vehicle of better domination, creating a truly totalitarian universe in which society and nature, mind and body are kept in a state of permanent mobilization for the defense of this universe.

See p. The change in the function of the family here plays a decisive role: See my Eros and Civilization Boston: Beacon Press, , p.

Theodor W. Adorno, Prismen. Kulturkritik und Gesellschaft. Suhrkamp, , p. Macmillan, , p. The operational doctrine has since been refined and qualified. Beacon Press.

One Dimensional Man, by Herbert Marcuse (contents)

The main impetus remains the same: Bridgman, The Logic of Modern Physics, loco cit. The Closing of the Political Universe The society of total mobilization, which takes shape in the most advanced areas of industrial civilization, combines in productive union the features of the Welfare State and the Warfare State. Compared with its predecessors, it is indeed a "new society. The main trends are familiar: In the political sphere, this trend manifests itself in a marked unification or convergence of opposites.

Bipartisanship in foreign policy overrides competitive group interests under the threat of international communism, and spreads to domestic policy, where the programs of the big parties become ever more undistinguishable, even in the degree of hypocrisy and in the odor of the cliches.

Pdf man one dimensional

This unification of opposites bears upon the very possibilities of social change where it embraces those strata on whose back the system progresses — that is, the very classes whose existence once embodied the opposition to the system as a whole.

In the United States, one notices the collusion and alliance between business and organized labor; in Labor Looks at Labor: A Conversation, published by the Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions in , we are told that: We see the phenomenon today of unions and corporations faintly lobbying.

The union is not going to be able to convince missile workers that the company they work for is a fink outfit when both the union and the corporation are out lobbying for bigger missile contracts and trying to get other defense industries into the area, or when they jointly appear before Congress and jointly ask that missiles instead of bombers should be built or bombs instead of missiles, depending on what contract they happen to hold.

In West Germany, which has outlawed the Communist Party, the Social Democratic Party, having officially rejected its Marxist programs, is convincingly proving its respectability. This is the situation in the leading industrial countries of the West. In the East, the gradual reduction of direct political controls testifies to increasing reliance on the effectiveness of technological controls as instruments of domination.

As for the strong Communist parties in France and Italy, they bear witness to the general trend of circumstances by adhering to a minimum program which shelves the revolutionary seizure of power and complies with the rules of the parliamentary game.

If they have agreed to work within the framework of the established system, it is not merely on tactical grounds and as short-range strategy, but because their social base has been weakened and their objectives altered by the transformation of the capitalist system as have the objectives of the Soviet Union which has endorsed this change in policy.

They testify to the depth and scope of capitalist integration, and to the conditions which make the qualitative difference of conflicting interests appear as quantitative differences within the established society. No analysis in depth seems to be necessary in order to find the reasons for these developments.

As to the West: Mobilized against this threat, capitalist society shows an internal union and cohesion unknown at previous stages of industrial civilization. It is a cohesion on very material grounds; mobilization against the enemy works as a mighty stimulus of production and employment, thus sustaining the high standard of living. On these grounds, there arises a universe of administration in which depressions are controlled and conflicts stabilized by the beneficial effects of growing productivity and threatening nuclear war.

And, if the second alternative is true, how does it change the relationship between capitalism and socialism which made the latter appear, the historical negation of the former?

Containment of Social Change The classical Marxian theory envisages the transition from capitalism to socialism as a political revolution: However, to the degree to which the established technical apparatus engulfs the public and private existence in all spheres of society — that is, becomes the medium of control and cohesion in a political universe which incorporates the laboring classes — to that degree would the qualitative change involve a change in the technological structure itself.

And such change would presuppose that the laboring classes are alienated from this universe in their very existence, that their consciousness is that of the total impossibility to continue to exist in this universe, so that the need for qualitative change is a matter of life and death.

Thus, the negation exists prior to the change itself, the notion that the liberating historical forces develop within the established society is a cornerstone of Marxian theory. Its supreme promise is an ever-more-comfortable life for an ever- growing number of people who, in a strict sense, cannot imagine a qualitatively different universe of discourse and action, for the capacity to contain and manipulate subversive imagination and effort is an integral part of the given society.

Those whose life is the hell of the Affluent Society are kept in line by a brutality which revives medieval and early modern practices. For the other, less underprivileged people, society takes care of the need for liberation by satisfying the needs which make servitude palatable and perhaps even unnoticeable, and it accomplishes this fact in the process of production itself.

Under its impact, the laboring classes in the advanced areas of industrial civilization are undergoing a decisive transformation, which has become the subject of a vast sociological research.

I shall enumerate the main factors of this transformation: This evolution is of great bearing on the Marxian concept of the worker proletarian. To Marx, the proletarian is primarily the manual laborer who expends and exhausts his physical energy in the work process, even if he works with machines.

The purchase and use of this physical energy, under sub-human conditions, for the private appropriation of surplus- value entailed the revolting inhuman aspects of exploitation; the Marxian notion denounces the physical pain and misery of labor. This is the material, tangible element in wage slavery and alienation — the physiological and biological dimension of classical capitalism.

Le caractere deformant de la profession etait a la fois psychique et somatique. Standardization and the routine assimilate productive and non-productive jobs, The proletarian of the previous stages of capitalism was indeed the beast of burden, by the labor of his body procuring the necessities and luxuries of life while living in filth and poverty, Thus he was the living denial of his society.

Man pdf dimensional one

Mais c'est 1a machine en elle qui revait de caresses This quantitative change refers back to a change in the character of the basic instruments of production[12]. At the advanced stage of mechanization, as part of the technological reality, the machine is not "one unite absolue, roais seulement une realite technique individualisee, ouverte selon deux voies: But this specific mode of enslavement was at the same time the source of his specific, professional power of negation — the power to stop a process which threatened him with annihilation as a human being.

Now the laborer is losing the professional autonomy which made him a member of a class set off from the other occupational groups because it embodied the refutation of the established society. According to Marx, the machine never creates value but merely transfers its own value to the product, while surplus value remains the result of the exploitation of living labor.

The machine is embodiment of human labor power, and through it, past labor dead labor preserves itself and determines living labor.

Now automation seems to alter qualitatively the relation between dead and living labor; it tends toward the point where productivity is determined "by the machines, and not by the individual output.

With automation, you can't measure output of a single man; you now have to measure simply equipment utilization. If that is generalized as a kind of concept It's when work can be measured, when you can hitch a man to the job.

What is at stake is the compatibility of technical progress with the very institutions in which industrialization developed. Is this a change in consciousness only? The affirmative answer, frequently given by Marxists. Granted even a high degree of ideological independence, the links which tie this change to the transformation of the productive process militate against such an interpretation.

Assimilation in needs and aspirations, in the standard of living, In leisure activities, in politics derives from an integration in the plant itself, in the material process of production. In the present situation, the negative features of automation are predominant: The chances of promotion decline as management prefers engineers and college graduates. The same technological organization which makes for a mechanical community at work also generates a larger interdependence which[18] integrates the worker with the plant.

A provocative description, referring to the highly Americanized Caltex refineries at Ambes, France, may serve to characterize this trend. The workers of the plant are conscious of the links which attach them to the enterprise: Liens professionnels, liens sociaux, liens materiels: Ainsi, la notion de ce contrat vivant et indestructible avec la 'Caltex' les amene a se preoccuper, avec une attention et une lucidite inattendue, de la gestion financiere de l'entreprise.

Les delegues aux Comites d' entreprise epluchent la comptabilite de la societe avec le soin jaloux qu'y accorderaient des actionnaires consciencieux.

La direction de 1a Caltex peut certes se frotter les mains lorsque les syndicats acceptent de surseoir A leurs revendications de salaires en presence des besoins d'investissements nouveaux. This trend is strengthened by the effect of the technological organization of production on the other side of the fence: Domination is transfigured into administration.

Within the vast hierarchy of executive and managerial boards extending far beyond the individual establishment into the scientific laboratory and research institute, the national government and national purpose, the tangible source of exploitation disappears behind the facade of objective rationality.

Hatred and frustration are deprived of their specific target, and the technological veil conceals the reproduction of inequality and enslavement.

The novel feature is the overwhelming rationality in this irrational enterprise, and the depth of the preconditioning which shapes the instinctual drives and aspirations of the individuals and obscures the difference between false and true consciousness. For in reality, neither the utilization of administrative rather than physical controls hunger, personal dependence, force , nor the change in the character of heavy work, nor the assimilation of occupational classes, nor the equalization in the sphere of consumption compensate for the fact that the decisions over life and death, over personal and national security are made at places over which the individuals have no control.

Prospects of Containment Is there any prospect that this chain of growing productivity and repression may be broken? An answer would require an attempt to project contemporary developments into the future, assuming a relatively normal evolution, that is, neglecting the very real possibility of a nuclear war. At the same time, the latter would continue to be capable of maintaining and even increasing the standard of living for an increasing part of the population — in spite of and through intensified production of the means of destruction, and methodical waste of resources and faculties.

This capability has asserted itself in spite of and through two World Wars and immeasurable physical and intellectual regression brought about by the fascist systems. The material base for this capability would continue to be available in a the growing productivity of labor technical progress ; b the rise in the birth rate of the underlying population c the permanent defense economy; d the economic-political integration of the capitalist countries, and the building up of their relations with the underdeveloped areas.

But the continued conflict between the productive capabilities of society and their destructive and oppressive utilization would necessitate intensified efforts to impose the requirements of the apparatus on the population — to get rid of excess capacity, to create the need for buying the goods that must be profitably sold, and the desire to work for their production and promotion.

The system thus tends toward both total administration and total dependence on administration by ruling public and private managements, strengthening the preestablished harmony between the interest of the big public and private corporations and that of their customers and servants. Neither partial nationalization nor extended participation of labor in management and profit would by themselves alter this system of domination — as long as labor itself remains a prop and affirmative force.

There are centrifugal tendencies, from within and from without. One of them is inherent in technical progress itself, namely, automation. I suggested that expanding automation is more than quantitative growth of mechanization — that it is a change in the character of the basic productive forces. Almost a century before automation became a reality, Marx envisaged its explosive prospects: As large-sca1e industry advances, the creation of real wealth depends less on the labor time and the quantity of labor expended on the power of the instrumentalities Agentien set in motion during the labor time.

These instrumentalities, and their powerful effectiveness, are in no proportion to the immediate labor time which their production requires; their effectiveness rather depends on the attained level of science and technological progress; in other words, on the application of this science to production.

He stands outside of the process of production instead of being the principal agent in the process of production. In this transformation, the great pillar of production and wealth is no longer the immediate labor performed by man himself, nor his labor time, but the appropriation of his own universal productivity Produktivkraft , i.

The theft of another man's labor time, on which the [social] wealth still rests today, then appears as a miserable basis compared with the new basis which large-scale industry itself has created. As soon as human labor, in its immediate form, has ceased to be the great source of wealth, labor time will cease, and must of necessity cease to be the measure of wealth, and the exchange value must of necessity cease to be the measure of use value.

The surplus labor of the mass [of the population] has thus ceased to be the condition for the development of social wealth des allgemeinen Reichtums , and the idleness of the few has ceased to be the condition for the development of the universal intellectual faculties of man. The mode of production which rests on the exchange value thus collapses It is an explosive or non-explosive catalyst in the material base of qualitative change, the technical instrument of the turn from quantity to quality.

For the social process of automation expresses the transformation, or rather transubstantiation of labor power, in which the latter, separated from the individual, becomes an independent producing object and thus a subject itself.

Automation, once it became the process of material production, would revolutionize the whole society. The reification of human labor power, driven to perfection, would shatter the reified form by cutting the chain that ties the individual to the machinery — the mechanism through which his own labor enslaves him. Complete automation in the realm of necessity would open the dimension of free time as the one in which man's private and societal existence would constitute itself.

This would be the historical transcendence toward a new civilization. At the present stage of advanced capitalism, organized labor rightly opposes automation without compensating employment. It insists on the extensive utilization of human labor power in material production, and thus opposes technical progress.

However, in doing so, it also opposes the more efficient utilization of capital; it hampers intensified efforts to raise the productivity of labor. This possibility becomes more realistic as the contest between capitalism and communism shifts from the military to the social and economic Held. By the power of total administration, automation in the Soviet system can proceed more rapidly once a certain technical level has been attained.

This threat to its competitive international position would compel the Western world to accelerate rationalization of the productive process. Such rationalization encounters stiff resistance on the part of labor, but resistance which is not accompanied by political radicalization.

In the United States at least, the leadership of labor in its aims and means does not go beyond the framework common to the national and group interest, with the latter submitting or subjected to the former.

These centrifugal forces are still manageable within this framework. Here, too, the declining proportion of human labor power in the productive process means a decline in political power of the opposition, In view of the increasing weight of the white-collar element in this process, political radicalization would have to be accompanied by the emergence of an independent political consciousness and action among the white-collar groups — a rather unlikely development in advanced industrial society, The stepped-up drive to organize the growing white-collar element in the industrial unions,[28] if successful at all, may result in a growth of trade union consciousness of these groups, but hardly in their political radicalization.

Vastly increased government spending and direction, planning on a national and international scope, an enlarged foreign aid program, comprehensive social security, public works on a grand scale, perhaps even partial nationalization belong to these requirements.

Turning now to the prospects for the containment of social change in the other system of industrial civilization, in Soviet society,[31] the discussion is from the outset confronted with a double incomparability: The interconnection between the two aspects aggravates the difficulties of the analysis. Is this greater rationality of industrialization only the token and advantage of historical backwardness, likely to disappear once the advanced level is reached?

Is it tile same historical backwardness which, on the other hand, enforces — under the conditions of the competitive coexistence with advanced capitalism — the total development and control of all resources by a dictatorial regime? It is easily ridiculed but hard to refute because it has the merit to acknowledge.

Moreover, the argument debunks the repressive ideology of freedom. And, to the degree to which the slaves have been preconditioned to exist as slaves and be content in that role, their liberation necessarily appears to come from without and from above. They must be "forced to be free. However, the dialectical logic insists, against the language of brute facts and ideology, that the slaves must be free for their liberation before they can become free, and that the end must be operative in the means to attain it.

Marx's proposition that the liberation of the working class must be the action of the working class itself states this a priori. Socialism must become reality with the first act of the revolution because it must already be in the consciousness and action of those who carried the revolution.

The qualitatively new mode of life generated by the new mode of production appears in the socialist revolution, which is the end and at the end of the capitalist system. Socialist construction begins with the first phase of the revolution.

This is a Society in which the former objects of productivity first become the human individuals who plan and use the instruments of their labor for the realization of their own humane needs and faculties. For the first time in history, men would act freely and collectively under and against the necessity which limits their freedom and their humanity. Therefore all repression imposed by necessity would be truly self-imposed necessity.

In contrast to this conception, the actual development in present- day communist society postpones or is compelled to postpone, by the international situation the qualitative change to the second phase, and the transition from capitalism to socialism appears, in spite of the revolution, still as quantitative change. The enslavement of man by the instruments of his labor continues in a highly rationalized and vastly efficient and promising form.

The situation of hostile coexistence may explain the terroristic features of Stalinist industrialization, but it also set in motion the forces which tend to perpetuate technical progress as the instrument of domination; the means prejudice the end. Again assuming that no nuclear warfare or other catastrophe cuts off its development, technical progress would make for continued increase in the standard of living and for continued liberalization of controls.

The nationalized economy could exploit the productivity of labor and capital without structural resistance[34] while considerably reducing working hours and augmenting the comforts of life.

And it could accomplish all this without abandoning the hold of total administration over the people. On the contrary, the contradiction between the growing productive forces and their enslaving organization — openly admitted as a feature of Soviet socialist development even by Stalin [35] — is likely to flatten out rather than to aggravate. The more the rulers are capable of delivering the goods of consumption, the more firmly will the underlying population be tied to the various ruling bureaucracies.

But while these prospects for the containment of qualitative change in the Soviet system seem to be parallel to those in advanced capitalist society, the socialist base of production introduces a decisive difference. And yet it is not the motor of the productive process itself; it is not built into this process as is the division between capital and labor, derived from private ownership of the means of production.

Consequently, the ruling strata are themselves separable from the productive process — that is, they are replaceable without exploding the basic institutions of society. Inasmuch as this change would leave the material base of society the nationalized productive process intact, it would be confined to a political revolution. If it could lead to self-determination at the very base of human existence, namely in the dimension of necessary labor, it would be the most radical and most complete revolution in history.

Distribution of the necessities of life regardless of work performance, reduction of working time to a minimum, universal all-sided education toward exchangeability of functions — these are the preconditions but not the contents of self-determination.

While the creation of these preconditions may still be the result of superimposed administration, their establishment would mean the end of this administration. To be sure, a mature and free industrial society would continue to depend on a division of labor which involves inequality of functions.

Such inequality is necessitated by genuine social needs, technical requirements, and the physical and mental differences among the individuals. However, the executive and supervisory functions would no longer carry the privilege of ruling the life of others in some particular interest.

The transition to such a state is a revolutionary rather than evolutionary process, even on the foundation of a fully nationalized and planned economy. Can one assume that the communist system, in its established forms, would develop or rather be forced to develop by virtue of the international contest the conditions which would make for such a transition?

There are strong arguments against this assumption. One emphasizes the powerful resistance which the entrenched bureaucracy would offer — a resistance which finds its raison d'etre precisely on the same grounds that impel the drive for creating the preconditions for liberation, namely, the life-and-death competition with the capitalist world.

This is a highly dubious psychological concept and grossly inadequate for the analysis of societal developments. In order to do so, they would have to arrest material and intellectual growth at a point where domination still is rational and profitable, where the under- lying population can still be tied to the job and to the interest of the state or other established institutions.

The need for the all-out utilization of technical progress, and for survival by virtue of a superior standard of living may prove stronger than the resistance of the vested bureaucracies.

In terms of the preceding discussion: Is there anything in the indigenous culture and tradition of these areas which might indicate such an alternative? I shall confine my remarks to models of backwardness already in the process of industrialization — that is, to countries where industrialization coexists with an unbroken pre- and anti-industrial culture India, Egypt.

These countries enter upon the process of industrialization with a population untrained in the values of self-propelling productivity, efficiency, and technological rationality. In other words, with a vast majority of population which has not yet been transformed into a labor force separated from the means of production. Do these conditions favor a new confluence of industrialization and liberation — an essentially different mode of industrialization which would build the productive apparatus not only in accord with the vital needs of the underlying population, but also with the aim of pacifying the struggle for existence?

Industrialization in these backward areas does not take place in a vacuum. It occurs in a historical situation in which the social capital required for primary accumulation must be obtained largely from without, from the capitalist or communist bloc — or from both. Moreover, there is a widespread presumption that remaining independent would require rapid industrialization and attainment of a level of productivity which would assure at least relative autonomy in competition with the two giants.

In these circumstances, the transformation of under-developed into industrial societies must as quickly as possible discard the pre-technological forms. This is especially so in countries where even the most vital needs of the population are far from being satisfied, where the terrible standard of living calls first of all for quantities en masse, for mechanized and standardized mass production and distribution. The machine process as social process requires obedience to a system of anonymous powers — total secularization and the destruction of values and institutions whose de-sanctification has hardly begun.

Can one reasonably assume that, under the impact of the two great systems of total technological administration, the dissolution of this resistance will proceed in liberal and democratic forms?

That the underdeveloped countries can make the historical leap from the pre-technological to the post-technological society, in which the mastered technological apparatus may provide the basis for a genuine democracy?

One-Dimensional Man: Studies in the Ideology of Advanced Industrial Society

On the contrary, it rather seems that the superimposed development of these countries will bring about a period of total administration more violent and more rigid than that traversed by the advanced societies which can build on the achievements of the liberalistic era.

To sum up: However, another alternative seems possible. Such indigenous progress would demand a planned policy which, instead of superimposing technology on the traditional modes of life and labor, would extend and improve them on their own grounds, eliminating the oppressive and exploitative forces material and religious which made them incapable of assuring the development of a human existence.

Social revolution, agrarian reform, and reduction of over-population would be prerequisites, but not industrialization after the pattern of the advanced societies. Indigenous progress seems indeed possible in areas where the natural resources, if freed from suppressive encroachment, are still sufficient not only for subsistence but also for a human life.

And where they are not, could they not be made sufficient by the gradual and piecemeal aid of technology — within the framework of the traditional forms? Self-determination would proceed from the base, and work for the necessities could transcend itself toward work for gratification. But even under these abstract assumptions, the brute limits of self-determination must be acknowledged.

The initial revolution which, by abolishing mental and material exploitation, is to establish the prerequisites for the new development, is hardly conceivable as spontaneous action. Moreover, indigenous progress would presuppose a change in the policy of the two great industrial power blocs which today shape the world — abandonment of neo-colonialism in all its forms.

At present, there is no indication of such a change. The Welfare and Warfare State By way of summary: Such a state seems capable of raising the standard of administered living, a capability inherent in all advanced industrial societies where the streamlined technical apparatus — set up as a separate power over and above the individuals — depends for its functioning on the intensified development and expansion of productivity.

Under such conditions, decline of freedom and opposition is not a matter of moral or intellectual deterioration or corruption. It is rather an objective societal process insofar as the production and distribution of an increasing quantity of goods and services make compliance a rational technological attitude. Late industrial society has increased rather than reduced the need for parasitical and alienated functions for the society as a whole, if not for the individual.

Advertising, public relations, indoctrination, planned obsolescence are no longer unproductive overhead costs but rather elements of basic production costs. In order to be effective, such production of socially necessary waste requires continuous rationalization — the relentless utilization of advanced techniques and science. Consequently, a rising standard of living is the almost unavoidable by-product of the politically manipulated industrial society, once a certain level of backwardness has been overcome.

The growing productivity of labor creates an increasing surplus-product which, whether privately or centrally appropriated and distributed, allows an increased consumption — notwithstanding the increased diversion of productivity.

This is the rational and material ground for the unification of opposites, for one-dimensional political behavior. On this ground, the transcending political forces within society are arrested, and qualitative change appears possible only as a change from without. Rejection of the Welfare State on behalf of abstract ideas of freedom is hardly convincing.

The loss of the economic and political liberties which were the real achievement of the preceding two centuries may seem slight damage in a state capable of making the administered life secure and comfortable. And if the individuals are pre-conditioned so that the satisfying goods also include thoughts, feelings, aspirations, why should they wish to think, feel, and imagine for themselves?

True, the material and mental commodities offered may be bad, wasteful, rubbish — but Geist and knowledge are no telling arguments against satisfaction of needs.

The sinister aspects of this critique show forth in the fight against comprehensive social legislation and adequate government expenditures for services other than those of military defense.

Denunciation of the oppressive capabilities of the Welfare State thus serves to protect the oppressive capabilities of the society prior to the Welfare State. At the most advanced stage of capitalism, this society is a system of subdued pluralism, in which the competing institutions concur in solidifying the power of the whole over the individual.

Still, for the administered individual, pluralistic administration is far better than total administration. One institution might protect him against the other; one organization might mitigate the impact of the other; possibilities of escape and redress can be calculated. The rule of law, no matter how restricted, is still infinitely safer than rule above or without law.

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Authority control BNE: XX GND: Retrieved from " https: Hidden categories: Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. This page was last edited on 20 February , at By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Cover of the first edition. Capitalism , democracy.

Part of a series on the. Wikiquote has quotations related to: Herbert Marcuse. This is must read for every home. The material may be a little dated in presentation but the message is clear and classic. Kindle Edition Verified Purchase. The book is not an easy read and I would not recommend it to someone without a background in philosophy and psychology. He uses a complex language and he digresses many times and in the end the point he tries to make gets lost in the labyrinth of his philosophical arguments.

However, I think he is right in that there is oppression and there is a need for liberation, which is essentially the main issue in the book. The take off point for "One Dimensional Man" is the abridgement of language concepts for purposes of social control. Orwell was right. And how far we've come since Marcuse wrote his book! Now, anyone can think of countless egregious examples of how thought is constrained by one dimensional definitions, how freedom is usually a demonstration of repression and oppression.

I found it amusing that continually improved standards of living and a generous welfare state are described as a necessary contrivance by the ruling elite to con the subject people into sustaining their unhappy, unfree, but adequately satisfying lives without "exploding" in some form of revolution.

So the liberal Democrats in the US would be the cunning villains while the tax-hating Republicans would be the self-destructive fools. See all 49 reviews. Amazon Giveaway allows you to run promotional giveaways in order to create buzz, reward your audience, and attract new followers and customers. Learn more about Amazon Giveaway. This item: Set up a giveaway.

Pdf man one dimensional

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